The Reception of Ezra Pound and T. S. Eliot in Prewar Japan
Summary and Keywords
Modernist literature was introduced to Japan in the early 20th century, and some of it took root. While modernism, a new movement in art and literature, was first developed in Europe, American poets, especially Ezra Pound and T. S. Eliot, played a major role in its development. Both of these poets were expatriates, living in Europe after they left the United States. As this fact indicates, there was an international, cosmopolitan nature to modernism, which was also seen in other modernist writers and poets, such as James Joyce, Gertrude Stein, H. D., Mina Loy, Djuna Barnes, and Eugene Jolas, to name just a few; this internationalist appeal was also an important factor in the early reception of modernism by the Japanese. In literature in English, Noguchi Yonejirō (Yone Noguchi) and Nishiwaki Junzaburō, for example, had contact with modernist writers abroad, published their own works in English, and introduced foreign poets they knew to Japanese readers. Takahashi Shinkichi, Kitasono Katue (Kitazono Katsue), and other poets also had correspondence with poets and writers of foreign countries and exchanged their works.
Following the initial encounter between Japanese poets and modernist American poets at the beginning of the 20th century, their works were introduced to Japanese readers of literature in English in the late 1920s. At the time, within academia, American literature was still considered part of English literature. Although mass-market literature series included many American literature titles, especially novels, the curricula in the English departments at major universities rarely included American literature. Besides, even in English literature studies, the focus was mainly on 19th-century (and earlier) authors, and modernist poetry was still not getting much attention. Thus, the reception of modernist American poetry in Japanese academia was generally slow. Instead, it was literary magazines such as Shi to shiron that actively introduced modernist poetry (including Gertrude Stein, T. S. Eliot, and Ezra Pound) to Japanese readers. Modernist poetry in English was often seen as “intellectualist” in Japan. As the control of freedom of speech and publication tightened in the late 1930s and the 1940s, in keeping with Japan’s militarization and totalitarianism, it became difficult to read and write about foreign literature. In this situation, adhering to modernist and intellectualist literature assumed its symbolic meaning of resistance. While under totalitarian rule, older Japanese modernists converted themselves into collaborationists, younger poets such as Ayukawa Nobuo, who started a magazine called Arechi [The waste land], tried their best to maintain their literary independence. They became leading figures in postwar Japanese poetry.
Introduction of Modernist American Poets to Japan
Early Reception of Western Modernist Literature in Japan
Modernist movements in literature and art that developed in Europe at the beginning of the 20th century were introduced to Japan without much delay despite the geographical distance.1 For example, when the Futurist manifesto by F. T. Marinetti was published in Le Figaro in 1909, it was immediately translated into Japanese by the Japanese novelist Mori Ōgai, and an excerpt was published in a literary journal Subaru [The pleiades] in the same year.2 Following this translation of the manifesto, other Futurist manifestos, essays, and articles were also translated and published in newspapers and magazines. Russian Futurism was also introduced in 1919, and in 1920 David Burliuk (the father of Russian Futurism) stopped in Japan on his way to the United States. While other avant-garde movements, such as Cubism, Expressionism, Constructivism, Imagism, Symbolism, Dadaism, Surrealism, Neue Sachlichkeit [New objectivism], and Intellectualism, were also introduced, in the early 1920s the word mirai-ha [Futurism] was used as an umbrella term that covered different movements of new literature and art that were brought in from Europe.3
The new literary and art movements introduced from the West in this period helped the rise of avant-garde movements in literature and art that had been fomented in Japan. In 1920, for example, the Mirai-ha Geijutu Kyōkai (The Association of Futurist Arts) was established, and it held the first Mirai-ha-ten [Futurist exhibition] in the next year. Kanbara Tai, who wrote the first “Kanbara Tai sengen” [Kanbara Tai manifesto], painted “the first abstract painting exhibited in Japan” in 1921. Hirato Renkichi, “the Marinetti of Japan,” distributed leaflets titled “MOUVEMENT FUTURISTE JAPONAIS Par R--Hirato” in 1921. Tōgo Seiji, who met Marinetti in Europe, wrote mirai-ha shi [Futurist poems]. Various avant-garde groups formed in the 1920s published little magazines, such as Aka to kuro [Red and black] (1923), GE.GIMGIGAM.PRRR.GIMGEM (1924), MAVO (1924), DAMU DAMU (1924), and A (pronounced “ah”) (1924).
The introduction of the new European movements in art and literature into Japan was initiated by Japanese intellectuals who were interested in Western literature and art, and through the magazines that introduced foreign literature, such as Roshiya bungaku [Russian literature], Nan’ō bungaku [Southern European literature] and Sekai bungaku [World literature]. However, in the background of their influence on the rise of Japan’s avant-garde art and literature was the Great Kantō Earthquake of 1923. The 7.9 magnitude scale earthquake turned the city of Tokyo into ruins and severely damaged the political, economic, and administrative functions of modern Japan. While the devastation of the city gave rise to nihilistic social views among the people (the cultural remnants of the Edo and Meiji Eras were wiped out) it created an atmosphere of cultural renewal, giving room for the development of the burgeoning new art and literature.4
There was an international and cosmopolitan nature to the avant-garde and modernist movements that started in Europe in the early 20th century, which spread across national, cultural, and linguistic borders. Italian Futurism was brought to Russia and Japan. Dada spread from Zurich to New York, Paris, and Berlin; it was also brought to Japan and influenced writers such as Tsuji Jun and Takahashi Shinkichi, whose Dadaisuto Shinkichi no shi [Poems by Dadaist Shinkichi’s] was published in 1923. The dissemination of new movements was partly attributed to the international mobility of people made possible by the development of transportation systems. Tōgo Seiji and Arishima Ikuma went to Italy and learned about Futurism firsthand. Murayama Tomoyoshi studied art and drama in Berlin before starting his avant-garde movement called “MAVO.” Even without visiting Europe, artists and writers made contact with each other beyond national borders. Kanbara Tai was engaged in correspondence with Marinetti, and Yoshida Kinetarō exchanged letters with Sherwood Anderson.
For the reception of modernist poetry in English in Japan, this internationalism and cosmopolitanism cannot be overlooked either. Noguchi Yonejirō, or Yone Noguchi, for example, went to California, and while living at the house of Joaquin Miller, learned to write poetry and began to publish his poems in journals. Noguchi then went to England where in 1903 he published From the Eastern Shore, a collection of poems written in English. He also gave lectures on Japanese literature in London and contacted Ezra Pound. Nishiwaki Junzaburō, who would become one of the central figures in Japan’s modernist poetry scene, went to England in 1922 and absorbed modernist literature there. While he had been writing poems in English even before his visit to England, in 1924 his poem “A Kensington Idyll” was published in Harold Monro’s The Chapbook. In the same issue of the magazine, one can also find T. S. Eliot’s poem “Doris’s Dream Songs.” Nishiwaki also published his book of English poems, titled Spectrum, at his own expense in 1925 in London. After returning to Japan in the same year, Nishiwaki lectured on English literature, wrote and published his own poems, and introduced and discussed new literary movements in Europe. He became one of the coterie members (dōjin) of Shi to shiron [Poetry and poetics], a quarterly for modernist literature that started publication in 1928.
Reception of American Modernist Poetry in Academia
While Noguchi and Nishiwaki made direct contact with new poetry in London and introduced it in Japanese literary magazines, Japan’s academic community was slow to accept modernist poetry, especially the works of new American poets. In the 1920s there were already English departments at major universities, and the Japanese Society of English Literature, a scholarly society, was re-established in 1925, after the interruption due to the Great Kanto Earthquake of 1923; despite this, American literature was not taught very often at major universities in the 1920s. It was certainly not ignored completely. Earlier in the late 1910s and the early 1920s, there were scholars who paid attention to American literature, and articles were written about American literature. For example, in the magazine Eigo bunka [The lamp], published from 1918 to 1921, there were essays about American writers including Jack London, Sherwood Anderson, and Herman Melville, in addition to Edgar Allan Poe, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and Walt Whitman.5 The Kenkyūsha eibungaku sōsho [English literature series], a series of 100 annotated texts for students published from 1921 to 1932, included ten titles of American literature.6 It was introduced and discussed in critical books, too. Kuriyakawa Hakuson’s Inshōki [American impressions] (1918) included a chapter on Jack London’s novels. In Eibei-gendai no bungaku [Contemporary English and American literature] (1922), Funabashi Yū discussed novels by Frank Norris, Theodore Dreiser, and Sinclair Lewis. Fukuhara Rintarō introduced numerous American authors in a chapter in Eibungaku no rinkaku [The outline of English literature] (1923). Noguchi Yonejirō discussed Joaquin Miller, Edwin Marcus, and Walt Whitman, among others, in his Beikoku bungaku ron [Essays on American literature] (1925). Takahashi Shinkichi, Yoshida Kinetarō, and Takagaki Matsuo had correspondence with Sherwood Anderson.7 Takagaki, who had studied at the University of Chicago and heard lectures on new poetry by Amy Lowell and Harriet Monroe, taught American literature at Rikkyo University and wrote books about American literature actively in the 1920s—Amerika bungaku [American literature] (1927) being one of them.8 A number of translations of American novels included in Sekai-bungaku zenshū [World literature series] or Sekai taishū bungaku zenshū [World popular literature series], mass-market literature series published by Shinchōsha and Kaizōsha respectively in the late 1920s, contributed to the popularization of American literature as well.9 However, at least until the late 1920s, American literature was still considered to be under the aegis of English literature, and it was not incorporated in the university curricula. According to Eigo seinen [The rising generation], a magazine for scholars and students studying English language and literature, even in 1929, there was no course on American literature in the English departments at Tokyo Imperial University, Kyoto Imperial University, Tokyo University of Literature and Science, Hiroshima University of Literature and Science, Waseda University, and Keio University.10 Only a small number of students chose American literature for the topic of their graduation theses in 1928.11 At the first Annual Meeting of the English Literary Society of Japan, held in1929, no paper was presented on American literature.12 Of the eighteen articles published in Eibungaku kenkyū [Studies in English literature] 9 (1929), a journal published by the English Literary Society of Japan, there was only one article that discussed American literature (on T. S. Eliot).13
In addition, even in the studies of English literature, modernist literature (especially American modernist literature) was ignored, at least until the late 1920s. As Narita Shigehisa points out, it was the 19th-century British authors who were favored in the studies of English literature in the Taisho and early Showa periods (the 1910s and much of the 1920s).14 Indeed, there were only a small number of articles that discussed new poets and writers in English literature in Eigo seinen in this period. Although there were a few articles on and translations of James Joyce and D. H. Lawrence, and a series titled “Eikoku gendai sakka” [Contemporary English writers], the names of other modernist writers and poets rarely appeared in the magazine, presumably reflecting the conservative nature of the literary milieu in England at the time. Sugiki Takashi, an American literature scholar, wrote in 1948 that “it seems that since around 1930 or 1931, the literary circles related to English and American literature were divided into roughly three schools. One was traditional studies of English literature, the second was devoted to English and American new literature and criticism, and the third saw literature as a social production or phenomenon.”15 Japanese academia in the 1920s still focused on the first of these three schools.
In the 1930s, modernist poets gained mention in Eigo seinen more often. In 1930, for example, “Notes and News from London,” a serialized essay by Harold Monro, owner of the Poetry Bookshop in London and the editor of The Chapbook, was published in the magazine. In its first installment, Monro chose “Free Verse” as its topic, and discussed T. S. Eliot, F. S. Flint, and Richard Aldington, among others, quoting from Eliot’s “The Waste Land.” In the essay, he also mentioned Eliot’s Introduction to Poems of Ezra Pound.16 In the second installment, Monro took up Richard Aldington’s essay that had appeared on weekly paper Everyman. In his essay, Aldington argued that “the curse of English literature [was] insipid good taste.” Offering quotations from seventeen American poets, including Ezra Pound, William Carlos Williams, T. S. Eliot, Wallace Stevens, E. E. Cummings, Hart Crane, and Marianne Moore, he argued that “these names [were] nothing to the British public.”17 Monro’s article in Eigo seinen—and Aldington’s essay, quoted in it—thus served to inform Japanese students of English literature that American poets, not subject to “insipid good taste,” should be read, even if they were not accepted in England. In addition to Monro’s essay, other articles on American modernist poets began to appear in Eigo seinen. For example, in 1930, Fukase Motohiro wrote an article on T. S. Eliot.18 In 1932, in the section “Eibei-bungaku shinsei” [New voices in English and American literature], a bibliography of T. S. Eliot’s works and a short review of a study of Eliot’s poetry were included.19 In 1935 Pound’s book Make It New was introduced in the same section, and an article that introduced John Collier’s discussion of postwar English literature, including a mention of Vorticism and its magazine BLAST, were printed.20
Literary Magazine Shi to Shiron and Modernist American Poets
It was non-academic literary magazines, such as Shi to shiron [Poetry and poetics], that actively introduced American modernist poets. Shi to shiron, a quarterly for modernist literature, was edited by Haruyama Yukio, an avant-garde poet, translator, and critic, and was published from 1928 to 1930. (It was published as Bungaku [Literature] from 1932 to 1933.) The quarterly, modeled on Eugene Jolas’s transition, had a strong orientation toward modernism, as seen not only in its contents but also in the selection of a picture or drawing for the frontispiece of each number. The writers and poets featured in the frontispiece included Jean Cocteau (no. 2), André Breton (no. 3), Paul Valéry (no. 4), Louis Aragon (no. 5), André Gide (no. 6), Ernest Hemingway (no. 8), Wyndham Lewis (no. 9), Gertrude Stein (no. 10), T. S. Eliot (no. 11), James Joyce (nos. 12, 14), and D. H. Lawrence (no. 13). In addition, pictures of artworks by modern and avant-garde artists, including Max Ernst, Max Jacob, Paul Klee, Salvador Dalí, Giorgio de Chirico, Pablo Picasso, Kitasono Katue, and Takenaka Iku, were also printed on various pages. As for the contents, in addition to works by Japanese modernist poets, the quarterly printed poems and essays by new poets of different nationalities in translation, as well as essays and commentaries on these poets in Japanese.
Unlike academic magazines, Shi to shiron acknowledged American modernist poets. No. 4 (1929), for example, included a section titled “Sekai gendai-shijin reviu (1900–1929)” [Reviews of contemporary poets in the world (1900–1929)] and introduced poets from more than twenty-five countries, including American poets and writers such as Gertrude Stein, Eugene Jolas, Hart Crane, T. S. Eliot, Sherwood Anderson, Marianne Moore, Edna Vincent Millay, Ernest Hemingway, Laura Riding, Arturo Giovannitti, Edgar Lee Masters, and Carl Sandburg.21 Perhaps reflecting Haruyama Yukio’s avant-garde aesthetics, the quarterly printed a number of translations of works by Gertrude Stein as well as articles about her writing. The “Sekai gendai-shijin reviu (1900–1929)” section in no. 4 included Takiguchi Shūzō’s piece, “Gātorūdo Sutain jo no shōzō ni tsuite” [On Miss Gertrude Stein’s portrait], part of which was written as a Steinesque avant-garde prose poem. Haruyama’s own translations of Stein’s poems appeared in nos. 5, 6, 7, and 13.22 His translation of Stein’s play Mexico was printed in issue no. 4 of Bungaku, too.23 Also, Sherwood Anderson’s essay “Jolas and Stein” appeared in translation in issue no. 6 (1929), Marcel Brion’s essay “Le contrepoint poétique de Gertrude Stein” [The poetic counterpoint of Gertrude Stein] was in issue no. 12, and Laura Riding’s “The New Barbarism of Gertrude Stein” was in issue no. 13.24 Stein was not the only American modernist given space. Issue no. 8 (1930), with a picture of Hemingway in its frontispiece, printed translations of T. S. Eliot’s “Tradition and the Individual Talent” and Eugene Jolas’s “Note on Reality.”25 This was a special issue on American literature. In the “Miscellany” section at the end of the magazine, an anonymous author wrote, “What is most introduced from America is the films, and what is least introduced is literature.”26 It seems that the special issue was intended to improve the situation. There was a special section for American short stories, which had nine stories in translation, including William Carlos Williams’s A Voyage to Pagany (“A New Place to Meet” and “Reitschüle”) and Hemingway’s “Hills like White Elephants.”27 It also printed Torisu Isao’s article on contemporary American literature, in which he argued, “Mencken, Freud and World War brought about an American Renaissance,” introducing journals such as American Caravan and transition and discussing expatriate writers, including Pound and Eliot, and African American literature.28 The number also included an article on American proletarian literature, a section with critical comments on America by European writers and poets, and another with remarks by American expatriate authors on why they did not live in America.29
American modernist writing was taken up in other numbers, too. In issue no. 7, Eugene Jolas’s “The Revolution of the Word Manifesto,” which had been published in his magazine, transition, was printed in translation, along with “Logos,” his work on multilingualism, in translation.30 In issue no. 9, there were translations of T. S. Eliot’s essay “A Brief Introduction to the Method of Paul Valéry,” William Carlos Williams’s poems excerpted from Sour Grapes, Harry Crosby’s poem “Sun,” and an essay by Abiru Makoto on the little magazines in America, which introduced such literary magazines as Blues and Pagany.31 In issue no. 10, there were translations of Jolas’s essay on the controversy over “The Revolution of the Word,” Williams’s poem “Four Bottles of Beer,” and Harry Crosby’s poem.32 Issue no. 12 had Laura Riding’s essay on the philosophical turn of poetry and Richard Aldington’s essay “The Poetry of T. S. Eliot” both in translation.33 Issue no. 14 had a translation of Eliot’s “Metaphysical Poets” and Arakawa Tatsuhiko’s essay on Eliot.34 Bungaku, the succeeding magazine of Shi to shiron, also printed translations of various essays by T. S. Eliot, as well as poems by Williams and essays on Ezra Pound, Eliot, and Williams.
Reception of Ezra Pound in Prewar Japan
Pound’s Translation of Noh and Classical Chinese Poetry
That poems by Nishiwaki and Eliot were published in the same issue of The Chapbook and that Noguchi and Nishiwaki published their books of poems in English, exceptional cases they may be, suggests the transnational nature of modernist literature. Ezra Pound’s encounter with Japan through his translation of Noh plays and classical Chinese poetry, based on the manuscripts left by Ernest Fenollosa in the 1910s, was another occurrence of transnational modernism.
Pound had contact with Japanese and Japanese literature even before his translations of Noh and classical Chinese poetry. For example, in 1907, when he briefly lived in Venice after leaving the United States, Pound made friends with Itō Michio, who would later become a renowned choreographer. In 1909 he heard a lecture titled “Oriental and European Art” by his friend Laurence Binyon in London. In the same year, he also learned about haiku (Pound used the term “hokku”) in a meeting of the poetry circle with T. E. Hulme and F. S. Flint at Café Tour d’Eiffel in London.35 In 1911 he received a letter from Yone Noguchi along with his book of poems, The Pilgrimage. In return, Pound sent him Exultations and Canzoni, his own books of poems.36 In his article “Vorticism,” first published in 1914 in The Fortnightly Review, in which he explained the composition of his poem, “At the Station of the Metro,” he quoted a famous haiku poem by Arakida Moritake and referred to a Japanese naval doctor, who improvised a haiku poem, when he was walking with Pound’s friend, Victor Plarr.37
However, in 1913, when he met Mary Fenollosa, widow of Ernest Fenollosa (who had recently died in London) he had a decisive encounter with Japanese literature and art. Ernest Fenollosa was one of the “oyatoi gaikokujin,” who were foreign experts hired by the Japanese government in the Meiji period. Fenollosa arrived in Japan in 1878 and taught political economy and philosophy at the Imperial University of Tokyo. During his stay in Japan, he developed an interest in Noh plays and classical Chinese poetry and decided to translate them into English with the help of his disciples, including Hirata Ki’ichi (Hirata Tōboku) and Ariga Nagao. Before he completed the translations, however, Fenollosa died in 1908 when he was visiting London. Mary Fenollosa, his widow, looked for someone to complete her late husband’s translation work. And when Pound was introduced to her through a friend, she decided that he was the right person for the work. She sent him the manuscripts and asked him to complete the translations. Pound, who had virtually no knowledge of the Japanese or Chinese language at the time, managed to complete the task and published Cathay, a collection of eighteen Chinese poems in translation, in 1915, and Certain Noble Plays of Japan, which included the translations of four Noh plays, “Nishikigi,” “Hagoromo,” “Kumasaka,” and “Kagekiyo,” in 1916. The latter was enlarged into “Noh” or Accomplishment: A Study of the Classical Stage of Japan by Ernest Fenollosa and Ezra Pound, which included translations of fifteen Noh plays and Pound’s commentary on Noh.38
Reception of Ezra Pound in the 1920s and the 1930s
In Japan, Pound was first introduced in connection with Imagism, which was received as one of the new avant-garde or modern literary movements in Europe. Arguably the first article that introduced Pound in Japanese was “Eibei no gendai shijin” [Contemporary English and American poets] by Murai Hideo, published in 1922 as issue no. 7 of literary journal Shiro-kujaku [The white peacock]. It was a translation of Harold Monro’s Some Contemporary Poets (1920), but it also included a translation of T. E. Hulme’s poem “Autumn” and mentioned Pound as “the founder of the ‘Shazō-ha’ [Imagist School].”39 Other aspects of Pound’s poetry and criticism were also introduced, if not in depth, in the 1930s, when Pound came to be known a little more widely. For example, Sekai kindai-shi kenkyū [Studies of modern literature in the world], edited by Momota Sōji and published in 1930, included a section on contemporary American poetry, including Pound, written by Nakamura Kikuo. In 1932 Pound’s essay “James Joyce and Pécuchet” (1922) was printed in translation in issue no. 2 of Bungaku [Literature], the literary magazine succeeding Shi to shiron. In 1933, Eibei kindai-shi kenkyū [Studies of modern English and American poetry], published from Kinseidō, included a section on Pound. In the same year, Iwasaki Ryōzō’s essay “Gurumon to Gurumon no eikyō” ([ourmont and Gourmont’s influence] was also published in Bungaku (no. 5). Also in 1933 Kinoshita Tsunetarō’s translation of How to Read (1931) was published under the title of Bungaku seishin no gensen [The source of the literary mind] from Kinseidō. Kinoshita also discussed How to Read in an essay published in Bungaku (no. 6) in 1933. In the same number of Bungaku, a translation of Pound’s “Credo” was also printed. In 1934 Kitazume Eitarō’s essay “Ezura Paundo zakkō” [Random observations on Ezra Pound] appeared in Eibungaku fūkei [The landscape of English and American literature]. In 1935 Haruyama Yukio’s Nijusseiki eibungaku no shin-undō [The new movement in 20th-century English literature] was published from Dai’ichi-shobō, and it included a discussion of Pound.40 Also in 1935, as mentioned, Pound’s Make It New (1934) was introduced in the “New Voices in English and American Literature” section of Eigo seinen and in an article introducing John Collier’s discussion of postwar English literature Vorticism and its magazine BLAST were mentioned. In 1939, Amerika bungei fukkō no danmen [A cross section of American literary renaissance] by Satō Tōshirō was published from Kenkyūsha, and it also included a section on Pound.41 In addition, a translation of Pound’s essay, “Civilization,” was printed in issue no. 10 (1938) of Shin-ryōdo, and Haruyama Yukio’s essay on Pound was included in issue no. 23 (1939) of the same magazine.42 In these publications, there was not much discussion of his poems after the Imagist period, especially The Cantos. However, by the mid-1930s, Pound was considered an important modernist poet by Japanese poets, critics, and scholars, despite the limited introduction of his poetry and criticism.
Correspondence between Pound and Kitasono Katue
A poet who showed special interest in Pound was Kitasono Katue, an avant-garde poet and artist who was influenced by Futurism, Dada, and other European avant-garde movements. He was an editor of GE.GIMGIGAM.PRRR.GIMGEM, an avant-garde magazine founded in 1924, and co-authored “A NOTE DECEMBER 1927,” the text considered to be the first Surrealist Manifesto in Japan, with Ueda Toshio and Ueda Tamotsu. He also translated poems by Paul Éluard and Stéphane Mallarmé into Japanese and published books of his own poems, including Shiro no Arubamu [Album of whiteness] (1929) and Ensui Shishū [Conical poems] (1933). In 1935 he established a new avant-garde group called VOU Club with its magazine VOU (pronounced “vow”), and in the next year, he sent two copies of the magazine with a letter to Ezra Pound. This was the beginning of the correspondence between Kitasono and Pound. In the letter, Kitasono stated that since the time of Imagism, he viewed him as “a leader on new literature” and that his “profound appreciation in the Chinese literature and the Japanese literature” greatly pleased them.43 Pound responded by sending Kitasono a copy of Cavalcanti, a book of translations of the 13th-century Italian poet with Pound’s notes and essays, and a letter of appreciation in which he mentioned Ernest Fenollosa and his Japanese friend Tami Koumé (Kume Tamijūrō). Pound also asked whether C. H. Douglas and Silvio Gesell, economists whose ideas he was propagating, were known in Japan.44 The correspondence between the two poets continued until 1966, with a wartime interruption from 1941 to 1947. Ezra Pound and Japan, edited by Kodama Sanehide, collects fifty letters from Kitasono to Pound, and thirty-four letters from Pound to Kitasono. Although Kitasono and Pound never met each other, their friendship grew through their correspondence. Pound often called Kitasono “Kit Kat,” though Kitasono usually called Pound “Mr. Ezra POUND.” Kitasono introduced Pound’s poetry in VOU, while Pound introduced Kitasono and VOU to his editor friends, including James Laughlin. Through Pound’s recommendation, for example, Kitasono’s poem was published in Townsman in 1936, and his poems and notes were also published in New Directions 1938.45
In his letters, Kitasono often made comments about the works Pound sent him, but he did not show much interest in discussions about poetics with Pound (although Kitasono had referred to Imagism in his admiration for Pound in his first letter). However, it was not the case that Kitasono was uninterested in poetics. On the contrary, he wrote an essay about imagery and what he called “ideoplasty” in 1936 and sent it to Pound, who had discussed image in his Imagist period (in the 1910s) and famously defined it as “that which presents an intellectual and emotional complex in an instant of time,” in “A Few Don’ts by an Imagiste.”46 Although it was not clear whether Pound actually appreciated Kitasono’s ideas about image and ideoplasty, he included the text of Kitasono’s article in his Guide to Kulchur (1938) with positive comments.47
In contrast, Pound often asked Kitasono questions about the composition of his own poems, especially those related to China and Confucianism. In 1937, for example, Pound repeatedly asked him about Chi King or Confucian Odes, especially after Kitasono sent him a Chinese edition of Chi King in four volumes.48 Pound’s interest in Chinese characters was such that when Kitasono sent him translations of his and his group members’ poems, Pound asked Kitasono to send him the originals (along with the translations) of their works. “I would like to see the originals if they are written in ideogram,” Pound wrote in 1937.49 In addition to the topics about poetry, Pound also asked Kitasono about the possibility of teaching at a Japanese university (in 1937).50 At the time, Pound was living in Rapallo, Italy, and faced economic hardship. He was losing the venues for publishing his works, and with World War II imminent, it was difficult to travel back and forth between the United States and Italy. His search for teaching jobs in the United States and Italy was not successful. It was in this situation that Pound asked Kitasono about the possibility of teaching in Japan. Despite his efforts, Kitasono was unable to find a position for him. However, he was able to get him a commission to contribute essays to The Japan Times, an English-language newspaper in Japan. Pound contributed twelve articles to The Japan Times (The Japan Times and Mail and The Japan Times and Advertiser) from 1939 to 1940.51
Pound had supported Benito Mussolini and Italian Fascism since the late 1920s, and he expressed his political views in his letters to Kitasono and in the articles he wrote for The Japan Times. However, in his letters, Kitasono usually did not comment on politics. Even when Pound referred to the “fusion of eastern and western cultures” in his letter of July 1940, obviously in the context of the Tripartite Pact between Japan, Germany, and Italy to be signed later in September that year, Kitasono did not comment on it in his subsequent letters.52 It seems that Kitasono was interested purely in poetry and art and not in expressing political and ideological views through literature or art, while Pound wrote poems that reflected his own ideas about history, politics, and economy in an avant-garde style. However, even if Kitasono did not write political poems and articles, it does not mean that he was free from politics or ideology. For example, in March 1938, Kitasono sent pictures of a collection of Japanese swords to Pound, referring to a ceremony that had been held in Tokyo earlier in the month in his letter that accompanied the pictures. Kitasono explained that the ceremony was one of presenting Japanese armor and swords to Mussolini.53 Saying that the swords symbolized the history of Japan, he also wrote, “When I hold one of the excellent swords handed down from my ancestors, I feel my eyes are not already those of moderns, but of ancients. . . . I feel the indomitable spirit, fearless of death, of a Spartan fighting man comes to myself.”54 One may have a glimpse of the hidden self of modernist Kitasono in this remark. Behind the image of a modernist poet/artist who pursued pure poetry and avant-garde art, his true self might have been suffused with the nationalist and militarist ideology of the time. But this traditionalist statement itself could have been a mask he wore to survive the time when the censorship by the authorities was tightening under the totalitarian rule. There is no knowing the truth because Kitasono never wrote about this remark in his other letters to Pound. And he never wrote about his wartime behavior even after the war.55 There is no record of Pound’s response to this letter from Kitasono, either.
However, the glimpse of Kitasono’s face as a traditionalist/fighting man, whether it was his hidden self or a mask for survival, adumbrated his later “tenko” or conversion. In 1940 he terminated the publication of VOU and began to write poems in an effort to assist the country’s wartime propaganda.
Reception of T. S. Eliot in Prewar Japan
Early Reception of Eliot in Japan
Like Pound, Eliot also left the United States; whereas Pound relocated to Italy, Eliot lived for a long while in England. (In 1927, he became a British subject.) The early connection between Eliot and Japanese literature was formed in London as well. When Eliot’s first book of poems, Prufrock and Other Observations, was published in 1917, a copy was sent to Yone Noguchi by Harold Monro, who ran the Poetry Bookshop in London. Noguchi, who had come to London earlier and published From the Eastern Sea at his own expense in 1913, had known Monro then. When Noguchi received the copy, he wrote an essay “Yopparatta dorei” [A drunken slave] for Mita bungaku [Mita literature]. In the essay, Noguchi introduced Eliot and quoted in translation an excerpt of “Rhapsody on a Windy Night,” a poem included in Prufrock and Other Observations.56
When Eliot’s “The Waste Land” was published in Criterion in 1922, Nishiwaki Junzaburō, who was in England at the time, bought a copy of the magazine at Harold Monro’s bookshop. Earlier, Nishiwaki had sent his poems written in English to Monro, and one of them, “A Kensington Idyll,” was published in The Chapbook, which was the poetry magazine he edited. After he returned to Japan, in 1926, Nishiwaki wrote an essay “Purofanusu” [Profanus] for Mita bungaku. The article included a translation of “Death by Water,” Section IV of “The Waste Land,” and this is considered to be the first translation of “The Waste Land” printed in Japan.57
The reception of Eliot was accelerated in the late 1920s and throughout the 1930s. Shi to shiron, founded in 1928, introduced him especially actively. Issue no. 2 (1928), for example, printed a translation of “The Perfect Critic,” an essay included in The Sacred Wood. The “Reviews of Contemporary Poets in the World” section in issue no. 4 (1929) included an introductory piece about Eliot. Issue no. 6 (1929) had an essay “T. S. Eriotto ni tsuite” [About T. S. Eliot] by Ueda Tamotsu, which included translations of parts of “The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock” and “The Waste Land.” In issue no. 8 (1930), Kitamura Tsuneo’s translation of “Tradition and the Individual Talent” was printed. In issue no. 9 (1930), “A Brief Introduction to the Method of Paul Valéry” appeared in translation. “Experiment in Criticism,” Eliot’s 1929 lecture, was printed in translation in the separate volume supplement published in 1931. Issue no. 12 (1931) printed Richard Aldington’s essay “The Poetry of T. S. Eliot” in translation. Issue no. 13 (1931) had Hara Ichirō’s essay “T. S. Eriotto hihan” [Criticizing T. S. Eliot] and Ramon Fernandez’s “La classicism de T. S. Eliot.” Issue no. 14 (1931) printed Arakawa Tatsuhiko’s essay “T. S. Eriotto no shuchiteki-hihyōron” [T. S. Eliot’s intellectualist view of criticism] as well as a translation of “Metaphysical Poets.” Bungaku [Literature], the succeeding magazine of Shi to shiron, also actively published Eliot’s works and essays on Eliot. In issue no. 1 (1932), Arakawa Tatsuhiko’s essay on Eliot’s “The ‘Pensées’ of Pascal” was printed. In issue no. 2 (1932), Eliot’s “Ulysses, Order, the Myth” appeared in translation. Issue no. 4 (1932) included a translation of Eliot’s essay “Dante,” Nishiwaki Junzaburō’s essay “Tei Esu Eriotto-ron” [Essay on T. S. Eliot], Nakano Yoshio’s “T. S. Eriotto to eikoku katorikku-shugi” [T. S. Eliot and Catholicism in England], and essays by Machino Sizuo and Kuzuhata Tatsuo on Eliot. And issue no. 6 (1933) had translations of Eliot’s essays “Le style dans la prose anglaise contemporaine” [Contemporary English prose style] and “Baudelaire.”58
Thus, the introduction and discussion of Eliot in Shi to shiron and Bungaku were mainly of his criticism. Compared to his criticism, the translation of Eliot’s poems proceeded slowly. In addition to Noguchi’s translation of “Rhapsody on a Windy Night,” Murano Shirō translated an excerpt of “The Prelude” in 1928, and Nishiwaki Junzaburō continued to translate parts of “The Waste Land” in the 1930s. For example, his essay “Wa no aru sekai: Bungaku to richi no mondai” [The world with a ring: The problem of literature and intellect], published in 1933, included his translation of the first fifty lines of “The Burial of the Dead” section of “The Waste Land” without line breaks. Doi Kōchi also translated this section as “Shikabane wo uzumu” [Burying the corpses] in 1933. Commentaries on “The Waste Land” were also published. Satō Kiyoshi, “Eriotto,” was included in Iwanami-kōza sekai bungaku [Iwanami lectures on the world literature], published in 1933, and Inoue Shigeo’s “Teī Esu Eriotto no ‘Arechi’” [T. S. Eliot’s “The waste land”] was published as one of the Eigo eibungaku kōza [Lectures on English and English literature] pamphlets also in 1933.59
Studies of Eliot as well as notes on and translations of Eliot’s works began to come out in the book form in the 1930s. In 1933, for example, Kitamura Tsuneo published a selection of essays by Eliot in translation, titled Eriotto bungakuron [Literary essays of Eliot]. In 1934 Arakawa Tatsuhiko published T. S. Eriotto [T. S. Eliot], the first monograph on the poet in Japan. In 1935 Essays by T. S. Eliot, annotated by Yano Kazumi (Yano Hōjin) was added to the Contemporary English Classics, a series of annotated texts for college students published by Kenkyūsha. In 1937 Fukase Motohiro’s Tei Esu Eriotto [T. S. Eliot] was published as no. 89 of the English and American Literary Biographies series from Kenkyūsha. In 1938 the book of Eliot’s selected essays, translated by Yamoto Tadayoshi, was published as a pocket edition (bunko) from Iwanami Shoten.60
Eliot was taught in universities. When critic and poet William Empson was invited to teach in Japan in 1931, he lectured about Eliot as well as new poets, including W. H. Auden, at such institutions as Tokyo University of Literature and Science. Eliot was also mentioned by intellectuals who were not in the field of English literature. For example, philosopher Nishida Kitarō discussed Eliot’s ideas about tradition in the light of his own philosophy in the special lecture “Dentōshugi ni tsuite” [On traditionalism], given in the Annual Meeting of the English Literary Society of Japan in 1938.61
Intellectualism and Fascism
Shi to shiron, a quarterly that actively introduced Eliot, was marked by its “intellectualism,” which is a stance (often associated with Aldous Huxley and Paul Valéry) of attaching importance to intellect and thought, not sensitivity and emotion: this was an attempt to resist the desolation of man’s spirit caused by post–World War I chaos and to restore aesthetic and spiritual order and regenerate civilization. In Japan, Abe Tomoji, a novelist and translator, who studied English literature with Edmund Blunden at Tokyo Imperial University, is known to have been one of the leading advocates of intellectualism. Abe classified English literature into traditionalism and modernism. Naming such authors as Eliot, Herbert Read, Edith Sitwell, and Aldous Huxley as the representatives of the modernists, Abe argued that they were “formalistic and intellectualistic.”62 He wrote essays on European intellectualism, including “Shuchiteki bungakuron” [An essay on intellectualist literature] published in Shi to shiron (no. 5, 1929), and published a book of criticism, Shuchiteki bungakuron in 1930. Relying on Eliot, Herbert Read, I. A. Richards, and other critics, in the book Abe argued for the importance of an intellectual, analytical, and scientific stance in creating a new literature. Referring to Eliot, he also emphasized the importance of having a sense of history and of the individual self that is strong enough to obliterate the self. He argued, paradoxically, that only the complete obliteration of the self could lead to the establishment of the strongest self.63
In order to continue publishing, literary magazines that introduced modernist poets and featured their intellectualism (such as Shi to shiron) needed to resist the growing pressure of censorship from the authorities, especially as the government tightened its control over publications in the second half of the 1930s.64 The crackdown on Marxists and anarchists had been happening since the beginning of the 20th century (the persecution of anarchists following the High Treason Incident of 1911, the post–World War I crackdown on labor and socialist movements, the 1925 enactment of the Maintenance of the Public Order Act (Chian-iji-hō) to clamp down on Marxists and anti-imperial system advocates, the crackdown on Marxists at universities in Kyoto in 1925, the Atami Incident in 1932), but in the mid-1930s not only Marxists and anarchists but also liberal lawyers and intellectuals became targets of this crackdown. In 1933 lawyers who defended Marxists as well as laborers and farmers were arrested. The Takigawa Incident and the Emperor-as-Organ Theory [Tennō-kikan-setsu] Incident occurred in 1933 and 1935, respectively. Academics such as Yanaihara Tadao, Kawai Eijirō, and Tsuda Sōkichi were condemned for their remarks or writings and were indicted or had to leave their universities. Study groups and coterie groups, such as the “Sekai bunka” [World culture] group, became targets of a crackdown. In 1941 the Maintenance of the Public Order Act was revised so that ordinary people were under surveillance by the Military Police [kenpei] and by the Special Higher Police [tokkō].65
This situation made it difficult for modernist and intellectualist writers and poets to continue to publish their works. When Bungaku, a magazine that succeeded Shi to shiron, suspended its publication “infinitely” in 1934, there were no other major magazines devoted to modernist and intellectualist literature. According to Chiba Sen’ichi, one exceptional literary magazine was Shihō [Poetics], which published articles about modernist and intellectualist literature in Europe until it ceased publication in 1935. For example, in its second number, Abiru Makoto introduced The Cantos by Ezra Pound. In Number 3, Kanō Hideo discussed English literature of the 1930s, referring to W. H. Auden, Stephen Spender, Cecil Day Lewis, and others. In issue no. 4, Ono’e Masaji also discussed the Auden Group in his “‘Nyū Kantorī’ no hitobito” [People of the “new country”]. In issue no. 6, Haruyama Yukio, former editor of Shi to shiron, wrote a commentary on Eliot’s The Use of Poetry and the Use of Criticism. In issue no. 10, Eguchi Kan discussed the New Country group as a movement of revolutionary romanticism in England, while pointing out the possible danger of the “Nippon Rōman-ha” [Japanese romantic school] group, which gained popularity in the 1930s. As Chiba says, as an “unprincipled conjunction with Fascism came to be visible in the times of ‘politics and literature,’ Shihō, the only remaining stronghold of intellectualism . . . brought together authentic modernist poets and evolved poetic creation of the first degree.”66
Later in the decade, intellectualism was kept alive by Shin-ryōdo [New territory], a literary journal, whose publication began in 1937. The title of the magazine echoes that of New Country, an English literary magazine published by Michael Roberts. In the postscript to the first number, Amari Shōtarō wrote, “The title ‘New Territory’ does not mean stealing someone’s land, but cultivating a new land. Therefore, it advocates internationalism, not nationalism.”67 In its first issue, the magazine printed such articles as “Eibei bungei tsūshin” [News about English and American literature] by Ueda Tamotsu, the editor of Shin-ryōdo, who would publish translations of Eliot’s poems and Pound’s How to Read after the war, and “1936-nendo no eishishū” [English poetry books in 1936] by Nagata Suketarō, as well as translations of works by Auden and Spender. In the following numbers there were also essays about Eliot, Pound, Auden, Spender, Day Lewis, Roberts, Malcolm Cowley, John Dos Passos, Edmund Wilson, and many others, as well as translations of essays by modernist writers and poets. Shin-ryōdo was published until 1941, and it exerted a great influence on younger poets, such as Ayukawa Nobuo, who would become a central figure in the Arechi-ha [The waste land school] after the war.
Japan’s totalitarian regime was tightening its control of literature.68 When the Imperial Rule Assistance Association [Taisei-yokusan-kai] was established in 1940, the Society of Japanese Writers [Nihon bungakusha-kaigi] was formed to encourage writers’ efforts on the thought and culture front as part of a nationwide movement to support the Imperial rule. The Cabinet Information Board [Jōhō-kyoku] kept a watchful eye on the intellectual and cultural activities of people. In 1941 the Japan Writers’ Association [Nihon bungeika-kyōkai] started the Home Front Literature Movement [Bungei jūgo-undō], supported by the Imperial Rule Assistance Association and the Information Board. When the Pacific War started, many so-called cultured persons [bunkajin] were arrested, and freedom of speech, press, assembly, and association was regulated by an emergency law. In 1942, under the guidance of the Information Board, the Japan Literary Patriotism Society [Nihon bungaku-hōkoku-kai] was formed as a unified organization of writers. Gendaishi [Modern poetry], published by the Japanese Association of Poets in 1941, included an essay on ethnic poetry and a translation of a German essay on Nazi literary composition, while the first number of Gendaishi kenkyū [Studies of modern poetry] was a “War and Poetry” special issue also published in 1941, which printed such essays as “Gendai Doitsu shijin no unmei” [The fate of modern German poets] and “Karossa to sensō/minzoku” [Hans Carossa and war/nation]. In 1943 the Poetry Division of the Literary Patriotism Society published a collection of poems titled Tsuji shishū [Collection of street corner poems], in support of a movement to dedicate a battleship to the navy. The collection included poems by former avant-garde/modernist poets, such as Noguchi Yonejirō, Anzai Fuyue, Kitasono Katue, Takahashi Shinkichi, and Takiguchi Shūzo. Kitasono, who had dissolved the VOU Club in 1940, published Kyōdo shishū [Poems of the native land] in 1944. In the magazine Shi kenkyū [Studies of poetry], whose publication was allowed (along with Nihonshi [Japanese poetry]) after the unification of poetry magazines, the head of the Literature Section of the Information Board wrote its foreword.
Ayukawa Nobuo and T. S. Eliot
Ayukawa Nobuo grew up when freedom of speech was limited and there were fewer and fewer opportunities to read foreign literature.69 He studied English literature at Waseda University and wrote his graduation thesis on T. S. Eliot. However, because he did not participate in enough hours of military drills, he was not able to graduate from the university. In 1942, he was drafted into the army and was sent to Sumatra, but he got sick and was sent back to Japan in 1944. He had learned about modernism through Shi to shiron and became a coterie member of the poetry magazine LUNA and of Shin-ryōdo in 1938, when he was eighteen. It was presumably during this period that he read Eliot’s poems and essays eagerly. According to Nakai Akira, in 1938, Ayukawa read Nishiwaki Junzaburo’s Wa no aru sekai [The world with a ring, 1933], which included Nishiwaki’s translation of the first fifty lines of “The Waste Land” without line breaks. In the same year, Ayukawa also read Nishiwaki’s Chōgenjitsu-shugi shiron [Surrealist poetics], which included his earlier essay “Purofanusu” with his translation of the “Death by Water” section. Also in 1938, a translation of Eliot’s essay “Modern Education and the Classics” was printed in LE BAL, which was the magazine that succeeded LUNA. Because Ayukawa was a coterie member of this magazine, it is highly likely that he read this essay, too.70 In addition, Shin-ryōdo, of which he was also a coterie member, actively introduced Eliot’s writings. For example, in no. 10 (1938) there was Okahashi Yu’s article “Tei Esu Eriotto.” Number 11 (1939) had a translation of “A Brief Introduction to the Method of Paul Valéry.” In issue no. 18, there were two essays on Eliot, one by Wyndham Lewis and the other by Stephen Spender, both in translation. Issue no. 19 (1938) had translations of Eliot’s essay “A Brief Introduction to the Method of Paul Valéry” and “The ‘Pensées’ of Pascal,” as well as A. Desmond Hawkins’s essay on Eliot. Issue no. 22 (1939) had Ueda Tamotsu’s translation of Eliot’s poem “Rhapsody on a Windy Night.” And in issue no. 26 (1939) there was a translation of “The Game of Chess” section of “The Waste Land,” also by Ueda.71 In addition, in this period, Ayukawa also bought a copy of Shi to shiron (issue no. 8, 1930) that included Kitamura Tsuneo’s translation of “Tradition and the Individual Talent,” and Satō Kiyoshi’s book of commentaries on “The Waste Land.”72
Ayukawa thus read Eliot intensively in 1938 and 1939. It seems that his experience of reading Eliot is reflected in some of the poems he is thought to have written in this period. Mure Keiko, for example, points out Eliot’s lines, “the cricket [gives] no relief,/ And the dry stone no sound of water,” in “The Burial of the Dead” section of “The Waste Land,” as a possible source of Ayukawa’s lines, “The stone weeps, like a cricket,/ And the sound of water,/ Indeed, comes from your stuffed body,” in his poem “Inyōchi” [The surrounding place], published in 1941.73 In addition, the lines, “A crowd always drift / On that overpass,” just before the lines Mure points out, in the same poem, recall Eliot’s “A crowd flowed over London Bridge, so many” in “The Waste Land.”74
According to Nakai Akira, Ayukawa learned from Eliot not only the intellectualist criticism of excessive sensibility but also the necessity of having the “resilient nerves” that support the “intellectualist critical spirit.”75 After reading Eliot’s “The ‘Pensées’ of Pascal” in translation, Ayukawa wrote in his diary: “I thought that for a man, the period of living in a pain is the happiest. We would all want to scream when a heavy load is placed on our shoulders, but I think we must forbear it. Unless we have such resilient nerves, we would not see the sound development and completion of literature.”76 When Ayukawa began a new magazine in 1939 with his poet friends, including Morikawa Yoshinobu, they chose “Arechi” [The waste land] for its title. The influence of Eliot was prominent not only in its title but also in the quotations from “The Waste Land” printed in the magazine. At the very beginning of the first number was printed the first four lines of Eliot’s “The Waste Land” (“April is the cruellest month, Breeding / Lilacs out of the dead land, mixing / Memory and desire, stirring / Dull roots with spring rain.”) in translation. In issue no. 2, another part of the “The Burial of the Dead” section was quoted in translation, and in issue no. 3, a translation of four lines from “The Game of Chess” was printed. What Ayukawa learned from reading Eliot can also be seen in his essays published in the magazine. In “Fu’an no kao” [The face of anxiety], published in issue no. 2, for example, Ayukawa wrote: “In such a time, we must have the mind that is resilient enough to maintain our way of living and our conscience as an artist in whatever agony of the times or society.” At the end of the essay, he concluded: “Anyway, we need to rescue literature, with our resilient belief that never succumbs to the scorn and defeat of the times, by the analysis and examination of the light and anxiety in all the different ages, so that we can reconstruct criticism in earnest and help the right development of literature.”77 After the publication of the second issue of Arechi, Ayukawa was summoned by the police.78 Facing the wartime restriction on free speech, Ayukawa insisted on having a resilient belief to survive the time of oppression, while using the rhetoric demanded by the authorities.
While the translations of the quotations from “The Waste Land” in Arechi were borrowed from an earlier edition, Ayukawa and other coterie members attempted to translate the poem on their own as well. Their effort led to the translation of “What the Thunder Said,” the last section of “The Waste Land,” printed in issue no. 5 (1940) of Arechi. Curiously, as Nakai points out, when they translated the sentence “Shall I at least set my lands in order?” they used for the word “lands” in the original the Japanese word “ryōdo,” which echoes the title of the literary magazine Shin-ryōdo.79 The sentence itself sounded like a reconfirmation of their original resolution to venture into new territory in literature without losing their resilient belief. This was at a time when other modernist poets had abandoned their beliefs and turned into nationalists under the pressure of totalitarianism. After issue no. 5, Arechi changed its title to Bungei shichō [Currents of literature] in issue no. 6. On its front page was printed “Kōki 2600-nen hōshuku” [In celebration of the year 2600 of the imperial reign]. In spite of this camouflage intended to evade censorship, Ayukawa was again summoned by the police, and this number became the final issue of their magazine.80
After the war, in 1947, Ayukawa and his poet friends, including Tamura Ryūichi and Kitamura Tarō, began publishing a new magazine, also called Arechi. Older modernist poets also restarted their activities as modernist and intellectualist poets by resuming the publication of their literary magazines or starting new ones. While these older modernists often saw the war years as a break in their literary activities, for younger poets such as Ayukawa, Tamura and Kitamura, there had been no literary hiatus. Addressing poets of his generation, Kitamura, for example, wrote, “Perhaps for you younger poets, there was never the slightest bit of such a stupid idea as a void. . . . We lived in this very flesh in the period they [the older poets] call a void, a blank.”81 For them, the war years were exactly what they needed to write about. In his essay “Gendaishi towa nanika” [What is modern poetry?], Ayukawa wrote the following:
The only common subject for us is the modern waste land. We, who lived in the years between the wars, and once staked our lives in the battlefields, still cannot free ourselves from the dark reality and the torn consciousness, and now must watch the course of the cold war. In our lives, there was no “Civilization” as a common idea, like Europe and America. Only weeds of colonial culture, as people often call it, were growing where there was no root of tradition. For a people without “Civilization” to defend, war was nothing but an accidental misfortune like natural disaster.
We, who have survived to live in the post-war waste land with the common experience of war, are now faced with the challenge of our new age, as well as that of our lives.82
The publication of the second Arechi continued until 1948, when its fifth and final issue was published. After the publication of the magazine ended, a series of poetry collections called Arechi shishū [Anthology of poems of Arechi] was started in 1951. It was published annually until 1958.
Discussion of the Literature
A comprehensive study of the reception or influence of modernist American poets in pre-war Japan has not been written. However, there are studies that include discussion of the reception or influence of modernist American poets in Japan. Sanehide Kodama’s American Poetry and Japanese Culture includes discussions of Amy Lowell and Japan and of Ezra Pound and Japan.83 Ōhashi Kichinosuke’s Andasun to sannin no nihonjin: Shōwa shonen no “Amerika bungaku” introduces the encounters between Sherwood Anderson and three Japanese (i.e., Takahashi Shinkichi, Yoshida Kinetarō, and Takagaki Matsuo, and the publication of Amerika puroretariya shishū ).84 Niki Katsuharu’s “Ushinawareta sedai” to Shōwa shoki discusses the reception of F. Scott Fitzgerald, Ernest Hemingway, William Faulkner, and Gertrude Stein in the early years of Shōwa, including a discussion of Haruyama Yukio and Shi to shiron.85 Nihon no eigaku, Taishō hen and Nihon no eigaku, Shōwa hen, two volumes edited by Doi Kōchi and colleagues, provide useful background information regarding the reception of English and American literature in Japan in the Taishō and Shōwa periods.86
There are numerous studies in Japanese about the development of avant-garde and modernist poetry in prewar Japan. To name just a few, Chiba Sen’ichi’s Gendai bungaku no hikaku-bungaku-teki kenkyū: Modānizumu no shiteki dōtai and Miyoshi Yukio’s Nihon bungaku zenshi: Gendai have chapters on the introduction of European modernist and avant-garde literature to Japan, including the reception of modernist literature in English by literary quarterlies such as Shi to shiron and Shin-ryōdo.87 Nakano Yoshikazu’s Zen’ei-shi undōshi no kenkyū: Modanizumu-shi no keifu and Ō’oka Makoto’s Shōwa-shi: Shōwa gendaishi-shi, gendai shijin ron offer historical descriptions of modernist and avant-garde poetry in the Shōwa period, including discussions of literary magazines and people involved.88 Modanizumu kenkyū, edited by Modanizumu kenkyū-kai, includes two articles on modernism in Japan, one by Sawa Masahiro and the other by Ellis Toshiko, providing useful introduction to modernist literature in prewar Japan.89
As for the studies of individual poets and their cross-cultural encounters, A Guide to Ezra Pound and Ernest Fenollosa’s Classic Noh Theater of Japan, edited by Akiko Miyake, Sanehide Kodama, and Nicholas Teele, provides detailed information and discussion of the translation of Noh plays by Fenollosa and Pound.90 Ezra Pound & Japan: Letters & Essays, edited by Sanehide Kodama, contains letters between Ezra Pound and Kitasono Katue.91 John Solt’s Shredding the Tapestry of Meaning: The Poetry and Poetics of Kitasono Katue (1902-1978) is a comprehensive study of the life and poetry of Kitasono Katue, which includes a chapter about Kitasono and Pound (“Kit Kat and Ez Po”).92 The International Reception of T. S. Eliot, edited by Elisabeth Däumer and Shyamal Bagchee, includes a chapter “‘In the Juvescence of the Year’: T. S. Eliot’s Impact and Reverberations in Japan 1930–2005” by Takayanagi Shun’ichi.93 Takahashi Shin’ichi’s “Nihon gendaishi undō ni okeru ‘Arechi-ha’ no hikakubungaku-teki kenkyū” is a comparative study of the poetry of Ayukawa Nobuo and other poets in the “Arechi” school, with a bibliography of literature related to the reception of T. S. Eliot up to 1941, a list of the foreign literary works Ayukawa read, and a concordance to all the poems by Ayukawa in its appendix.94 Nakai Akira’s Kōya e: Ayukawa Nobuo to Shin-ryōdo (I) is a major study of the poetry and thought of Ayukawa Nobuo, and his life and times up to World War II.95 Mure Keiko’s Ayukawa Nobuo: Rojō no tamashi’i, a biography of Ayukawa, includes discussion of the echoes of Eliot’s poems in those of Ayukawa.96
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(1.) This section is based on Chiba Sen’ichi, Gendai bungaku no hikaku-bungaku-teki kenkyū: Modānizumu no shiteki dōtai (Tokyo: Yagi shoten, 1978), and Ō’oka Makoto, Shōwa-shi: Shōwa gendaishi shi, gendai shijin ron (Tokyo: Shichōsha, 1980).
(2.) In this article, Japanese names are written in the order of family name followed by given name.
(3.) Chiba, Gendai bungaku, 66.
(4.) Miyoshi Yukio, ed., Nihon bungaku zenshi: Gendai (Tokyo: Gakutōsha, 1978), 27–28. The section, “Zen’ei geijutsu to no sōgū,” the source of the information, is written by Chiba Sen’ichi.
(5.) Ōhashi Kichinosuke, Andasun to sannin no nihonjin: Shōwa shonen no “Amerika bungaku” (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 1984), 193–194.
(6.) Doi Kōchi, et al., eds., Nihon no eigaku, Shōwa hen (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 1969), 85.
(7.) Ōhashi, Andasun, 2–96.
(8.) Ōhashi, Andasun, 191. Earlier Takagaki had been inspired by Amy Lowell’s Tendency in Modern American Poetry (1917) before going to the United States. See Gotō Shōji, “Takagaki Matsuo to Taishō-makki nihon no Amerika bungaku,” Rikkyo American Studies 3 (1978): 18–29.
(9.) These literary series, along with other literary series published around the same period, were called “enpon” because each book was priced at one yen.
(10.) Eibungaku kenkyū (Studies in English Literature) 9 (1929): 484–488. There was one course on Thoreau at Taishō University and one on American literature at Rikkyō University.
(11.) There was only one (on Poe) in thirty-four graduation theses in the English department at Tokyo Imperial University; one (on Hawthorne) in sixteen at Kyushu; none of the four at Tohoku; two (on O’Neill) in twenty-five at Kyoto; three (one on James and two on Whitman) at Doshisha; four (two on O’Neill and one each on Hawthorne and Poe) in sixty-seven at Waseda; and three (Whitman, James, and O’Neill) in thirteen at Rikkyo. See Eibungaku kenkyū (Studies in English Literature) 9 (1929): 318–319.
(12.) Eigo seinen 62, no. 5 (1929): 185–186.
(13.) The volume included a review by Takagaki Matsuo of Norman Forester, American Criticism: A Study in Literary Theory from Poe to the Present, and a review by Tomita Akira of Upton Sinclair’s Boston, Eibungaku kenkyū [Studies in English literature] 9 (1929): 435-439, 439–444.
(14.) Doi Kōchi, et al., ed., Nihon no eigaku, Taishō hen (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 1969), 55.
(15.) Sugiki Takashi, Amerika bungaku no mado (Tokyo: Aoyama shoin, 1948), 235. Sugiki also says that the third school mainly consisted of American literature scholars (235).
(16.) Harold Monro, “Notes and News from England,” Eigo seinen 63, no. 7 (1930): 220.
(17.) Monro, “Notes and News from England,” Eigo seinen 63, no. 8 (1930): 260.
(18.) Fukase Motohiro, “Gendai eikoku bungaku: T. S. Eliot,” Eigo seinen 64, no. 2 (1930): 49.
(19.) “Eibei-bungaku shinsei,” Eigo seinen 68, no. 4 (1932): 136.
(20.) “Eibei-bungaku shinsei,” Eigo seinen 72, no. 8 (1935): 254; and Nakanishi Hideo, “J. Collier no mita sengo no eibundan,” Eigo seinen 72, no. 11 (1935): 365; 72, no. 12 (1935): 401–402.
(21.) “Sekai gendai-shijin reviu (1900–1929),” Shi to shiron 4 (1926): 185–325.
(22.) Haruyama Yukio, trans., “Ga’atoru’udo Sutain shō,” Shi to shiron 5 (1929): 236–239; Shi to shiron 6 (1929): 272–276; Shi to shiron 7 (1930): 250–251. Gātoru’udo Sutain, “Shūshū,” trans., Haruyama Yukio, Shi to shiron 13 (1931): 122–125. The original titles are “Mildred’s Thoughts” (no. 5); “Every Afternoon a Dialogue” (no. 6); “Ladies’ Voices” (No. 7); and “A Collection” (no. 13).
(23.) Ga’atoru’udo Sutain, “Mekishiko,” Bungaku 4 (1932): 256–262. Haruyama also translated Gorham Munson’s essay on Gertrude Stein’s experimental prose for Shin-bungaku kenkyū 1 (1931), and discussed her in his Shi no kenkyū (Tokyo: Kōseikaku shoten, 1931). See Niki Katsuharu, “Ushinawareta sedai” to shōwa shoki (Tokyo: Bunkashobō hakubunsha, 1991), 43–118.
(24.) Shia’uddo Anda’asun, “Jiorasu to Sutain,” trans., Kondō Azuma, Shi to shiron 6 (1929): 168–169; Maruseru Burion, “Ga’atoru’udo Sutain no shi no tai’ihō,” trans., Yamanaka Chiru’u, Shi to shiron 12 (1931): 149–156; and Ro’ora Raidengu, “Sutain no Bābarizumu,” trans., Kinoshita Tsunertarō, Shi to shiron 13 (1931): 244–255.
(25.) T. S. Eriotto, “Dentō to kojin-teki sainō,” trans., Kitamura Tsuneo, Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 78–89; and Yu’ujien Jiyoarasu, “Notes on Reality,” trans., Senuma Shigeki, Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 90–98.
(26.) Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 380.
(27.) Uiriamu Kārosu Uiriamusu, “Pagani e no kōkai,” trans. Abiru Makoto, Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 305–315; and A’anesuto Hemingu’uei, “Shiroi zō no youna oka,” trans., Itō Sei, Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 316–324. The other titles translated are Leigh Hoffman, “Catastrophe”; Harry Crosby, “Aeronautics” and “Dreams 1928–1929”; Peter Neagoe, “Dream”; Katharine G. Salmon, “Beginnings”; Ludwig Lewisohn, “The Pained Lady”; and Julien Green, “La Traversée Inutile.”
(28.) Torisu Isao, “Kon’nichi no Amerika bungaku,” Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 193.
(29.) Ni’i Itaru, “Amerika puro-bungaku no obo’egaki,” Shi to shiron 8: 211–213; “Shoka no Amerika hihan,” Shi to shiron 8: 249–258; and “Naze Amerika ni sumanuka,” Shi to shiron 8: 259–266. The original texts of the last two sections are in transition.
(30.) Sakamoto Etsurō, trans., “Gengo no kakumei sengen: Amerika zen’ei kyōdō sengen,” Shi to shiron 7 (1930): 179; and Yu’ujin Jioras, “LOGOS,” trans. Han’ya Shinzaburō, Shi to shiron 7 (1930): 172–178.
(31.) T. S. Eriotto, “Po’oru Vuareri’i no hōhō ni kansuru mijikai josetsu,” trans. Hata Ichirō, Shi to shiron 9 (1930): 50–56; Uiriamu Ka’arosu Uiriamusu, “Makeoshimi shō,” trans. Yamanaka Chiru’u, Shi to shiron 9 (1930): 216–219; Harry Crosby, “Taiyo,” trans. Beppu Zenjirō, Shi to shiron 9 (1930): 210–211; and Abiru Makoto, “Amerika no zasshi,” Shi to shiron 9 (1930): 199–201.
(32.) Yu’ujen Jorasu, “‘Gengo no kakumei’ ni tsuite no ronsō,” trans. Inui Nao’e, Shi to shiron 10 (1931): 183–190; W. Ka’arosu Uiriamusu, “Yon-hon no bīru,” trans. Itō Sei, Shi to shiron 10 (1931): 195–205; and Hari’i Kurosubi’i, “Taiyō-shin no ie,” trans. Abiru Makoto, Shi to shiron 10 (1931): 218–221. This number also included Hemingway’s “The Indian Camp,” trans., Orita Manabu, Shi to shiron 10 (1931): 213–217.
(33.) Raura Raijingu, “Shi no tetsugaku-teki tenkō ni tsuite,” trans. Kōnosu Ikutarō, Shi to shiron 12 (1931): 75–82; and R. Orudinguton, “T. S. Eriotto no shi,” trans. Kameyama Masaru, Shi to shiron 12: 138–148. In the translation of Aldington’s essay, lines from Eliot’s “Whispers of Immortality” and “Gerontion” were translated into Japanese.
(34.) Tei Esu Eriotto, “Keijijōgaku shijin,” trans. Kitamura Tsuneo, Shi to shiron 14 (1931): 89–101; and Arakawa Tatsuhiko, “T. S. Eriotto no shuchi-teki hihyōron: Sono kijun to ishiki e no ichibetsu,” Shi to shiron 14: 50–60.
(35.) Sanehide Kodama, American Poetry and Japanese Culture (Hamden, CT: Archon, 1984), 59.
(36.) Sanehide Kodama, ed., Ezra Pound & Japan: Letters & Essays (Redding Ridge, CT: Black Swan, 1987), 4, 5.
(37.) Ezra Pound, Gaudier-Brzeska: A Memoir (New York: New Directions, 1970), 88–89. Originally published 1916.
(38.) Kodama, American Poetry and Japanese Culture, 58–105.
(39.) Chiba, Gendai bungauk, 75. According to Chiba, in 1925, Urase Haku’u translated an excerpt of Some Imagist Poets, 1916: An Anthology, an anthology edited by Amy Lowell, in Nihon shijin (Chiba, Gendai bungauk, 75). In addition, in 1931, Imagist Anthology, 1930, edited by Richard Aldington, was introduced in a short essay published in Eigo seinen (“Imajisuto sen,” Eigo seinen 64, no. 8 : 279).
(40.) Momota Sōji, ed., Sekai kindai-shi kenkyū (Tokyo: Kinseidō, 1930); Ezra Pound, “Joisu to pekyūshe,” trans. Nakamura Kikuo, Bungaku 2 (1932): 56–67; Sangū Makoto, Satō Kiyoshi, and Nakamura Kikuo, Eibei kindai-shi kenkyū (Tokyo: Kinseidō, 1933). Iwasaki Ryōzō, “Gurumon to Gurumon no eikyō,” Bungaku 5: 141–145; Kinoshita Tsunetarō, trans., Bungaku seishin no gensen (Tokyo: Kinseidō, 1933); Kinoshita Tsunetarō, “Ezura Paundo no Bungaku,” Bungaku 6 (1933): 301–318; Ezra Pound, “Shinjo,” trans. Wada Shigeru, Bungaku 6 (1933): 186; Kitazume Eitarō, “Ezura Paundo zakkō,” Eibungaku fūkei 1, no. 4 (1934): 23–26; 1, no. 5 (1934): 33–39; and Haruyama Yukio, Nijusseiki eibungaku no shin-undō (Tokyo: Dai’ichi-shobō, 1935).
(41.) Satō Tōshirō, Amerika bungei fukkō no danmen (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 1939).
(42.) Ezra Pound, “Bunmei-ron,” trans., Okahashi Yū, Shin-ryōdo 10 (1938): 281–283; and Haruyama Yukio, “Ezura Paundo: Documents,” Shin-ryōdo 23 (1939): 334–342.
(43.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 27.
(44.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 27–28.
(45.) According to Kodama Sanehide, “there are more than 30 Japanese poems written by and translated into English by VOU Club members, published with Pound’s introduction, in Townsman (January 1938 and April 1939) and New Directions (1938).” Kodama, “Japanese Translation” in The Ezra Pound Encyclopedia, eds. Demetres P. Tryphonopoulos and Stephen J. Adams (Wesport, CT: Greenwood, 2005), 164.
(46.) Ezra Pound, “A Few Don’ts by an Imagiste,” Poetry 1, no. 6 (1913): 200. Reprinted in Ezra Pound, Literary Essays of Ezra Pound, ed. T. S. Eliot (New York: New Directions, 1968), 4.
(47.) Ezra Pound, Guide to Kulchur (New York: New Directions, 1970), 137–139. Originally published 1938.
(48.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 44.
(49.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 45.
(50.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 47.
(51.) Because of mergers, The Japan Times was named The Japan Times and Mail from 1918 to 1940 and The Japan Times and Advertiser from 1940 to 1943.
(52.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 91.
(53.) The armor and swords were gifts from the United Youth Associations of the City of Tokyo for Hitler and Mussolini. The presentation ceremony was held at the Hibiya Public Hall on March 20, 1938. The first secretaries of the German Embassy and the Italian Embassy received the gifts (Ōsaka Asahi Shinbun, March 21, 1938, 1).
(54.) Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan, 63.
(55.) John Solt, Shredding the Tapestry of Meaning: The Poetry and Poetics of Kitasono Katue (1902–1978) (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999), 138.
(56.) Nakai Akira, “Eriotto to nihon: Jidai no manazashi,” in Modan ni shite anti-modan: T. S. Eriotto no shōzō, eds. Takayanagi Shun’ichi, Satō Tōru, Notani Keiji, and Yamaguchi Hitoshi (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 2010), 274. According to Takeda Katsuhiko, the first mention of Eliot in print is considered to have been in Sugita Mirai, “Beikoku gendai shidan to sono ronpyō,” Eigo seinen 46, no. 12 (1922), followed by Fukuhara Rintarō, “Gen-eibundan no hihyōka,” Eigo seinen 51, no. 2 (1924). Takeda Katsuhiko, “1920-nendai no T. S. Eriotto juyō,” Hikakubungaku no kokoromi (Tokyo: Sōrinsha, 1983), 197–233. Referred to in Takahashi Shin’ichi, “Nihon gendaishi undō ni okeru ‘Arechi-ha’ no hikakubungaku-teki kenkyū” (PhD diss., 1998), 260.
(57.) Nakai Akira, “Eriotto to nihon,” 277. The essay “Purofanusu” was included in Nishiwaki, Chōgenjitsu-shugi shiron (Tokyo: Kōseikaku shoten, 1929).
(58.) T. S. Eliot, “Kanzennaru Hihyōka,” trans., Nakamura Kikuo, Shi to shiron 2 (1928): 70–82; [Haruyama Yukio], “T. S. Eriotto,” Shi to shiron 4 (1929): 263. Ueda Tamotsu, “T. S. Eriotto ni tsuite,” Shi to shiron 6 (1929): 27–32; T. S. Eliot, “Dentō to kojinteki sainō,” trans., Kitamura Tsuneo, Shi to shiron 8 (1930): 78–89; T. S. Eliot, “Po’oru Vareri’i no hōhō ni kansuru mijikai josetsu,” trans., Hata Ichirō, Shi to shiron 9 (1930): 50–56; T. S. Eliot, “Hihyō ni okeru ekisuperimento,” trans., Ichinohe Tsutomu, Gendai eibungaku hyōron (1931), 283–295; R. Orudinguton, “T. S. Eriotto no shi,” trans., Kameyama Masaru, Shi to shiron 12 (1931): 138–148; Hara Ichirō “T. S. Eriotto Hihan,” Shi to shiron 13 (1931): 217–226; Ramon Ferunandesu, “T. S. Eriotto no kurasisizumu,” trans., Hara Ichirō, Shi to shiron 13 (1931): 227–233; Arakawa Tatsuhiko, “T. S. Eriotto no Shuchiteki-hihyōron,” Shi to shiron 14 (1931): 89–101; T. S. Eliot, “Keijijōgaku-teki shijin-tachi,” trans., Hori Daiji, Shi to shiron 14 (1931): 50–61; Arakawa Tatsuhiko, “Eriotto no ‘Pasukaru no Panse ni yosu,’” Bungaku 1 (1932): 198–199; T. S. Eliot, “Yurishi’izu hihyō,” trans., Arakawa Tatsuhiko, Bungaku 2 (1932): 68–71; Nishiwaki Junzaburō, “Tei Esu Eriotto-ron,” Bungaku 4 (1932): 1–22; Nakano Yoshio, “T. S. Eriotto to eikoku katorikku-shugi,” Bungaku 4 (1932): 43–53; T. S. Eliot, “Dante,” trans., Kitamura Tsuneo, Bungaku 4 (1932): 54–74; 6 (1933): 350–369; Kuzuhata Tatsuo, “T. S. Eriotto,” Bungaku 4 (1932): 93–195; Machino Sizuo, “T. S. Eriotto: Godon Jōji,” Bungaku 4 (1932): 196–199; T. S. Eliot, “Gendai Igirisu sanbun no suteiru,” trans., Tomizawa Tōichirō, Bungaku 6 (1933): 150–151; and T. S. Eliot, “Bōdore’eru,” trans., Nakano Yoshio, Bungaku 6 (1933): 335–349.
(59.) Nishiwaki Junzaburō, Wa no aru sekai (Tokyo: Dai’ichi Shobō, 1933), 54–55; Doi Kōchi’s “Shikabane wo uzumu” was included in Bugaku keitai-ron (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1933) and later in his Eibungaku no kankaku (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1935); Sato Kiyoshi, “Eriotto,” Iwanami-kōza sekai bungaku 7 (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1934); and Inoue Shigeo, “Teī Esu Eriotto no ‘Arechi,’” Eigo eibungaku kōza (Tokyo: Eigo eibungaku kankō-kai, 1933).
(60.) Kitamura Tsuneo, trans., Eriotto Bungakuron (Tokyo: Kinseidō, 1933); Arakawa Tatsuhiko, T. S. Eriotto (Tokyo: Fuji shuppansha, 1934); T. S. Eliot, Essays, notes by Yano Kazumi [Yano Hōjin] (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 1935); Fukase Motohiro, Tei Esu Eriotto (Tokyo: Kinseidō, 1938); and T. S. Eliot, Bungei hihyō-ron, trans., Yamoto Tadayoshi (Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1938).
(61.) “Dai 6-kai nihon eibungakkai taikai,” Eigo seinen 72, no. 8 (1935): 281.
(62.) Kagami Kunihiko, “Shōwa shonen-dai no Abe Tomoji to igirisu shuchi-shugi bungaku ni tsuite,” Risshō Daigaku Jinbunkagaku kenkyūjo nenpō 18 (1981): 17–25.
(63.) Abe Tomoji, Shuchiteki bungakuron (Tokyo: Kōseikaku shoten, 1930).
(64.) See also “Japanese Proletarian Literature during the Red Decade, 1925–1935” by Heather Bown-Struyk, with a cross reference to acrefore-9780190201098-e-196.
(65.) Mikiso Hane, Modern Japan: A Historical Survey, 3d ed. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2001), 277–280; 304–308.
(66.) Chiba, Gendai bungaku, 92–95.
(67.) Quoted in Chiba, Gendai bungaku, 95.
(68.) This paragraph is based on Chiba, Gendai bungaku, 96–97. See also Miyoshi, Nihon bungaku zenshi: Gendai, 256–277.
(69.) This section is based on Nakai Akira, Kōya e: Ayukawa Nobuo to Shin-ryōdo (I) (Yokohama: Shunpūsha, 2007).
(70.) Nakai, Kōya e, 123, 126.
(71.) Okahashi Yū, “Tei Esu Eriotto,” Shin-ryōdo 10 (1938): 281–283; T. S. Eliot, “Po’oru Vareri’i no hōhō,” trans., Okahashi Yū, Shin-ryōdo 11 (1939): 328–334; Windamu Ruisu, “Eriotto-ron,” trans., Kanō Hideo, Shin-ryōdo 18 (1938): 370–377; Supenda’a, “Eriotto-ron,” trans., Moriki Kiyoshi, Shin-ryōdo 18 (1938): 416–418; T. S. Eliot, “Pasukaru no ‘Kansōroku,’” trans., Ōsawa Mamoru and Andō Ichirō, Shin-ryōdo 19 (1938): 16–33; Ho’okinsu, “Eriotto-ron,” trans., Kondō Azuma, Shin-ryōdo 19 (1938): 55–56; T. S. Eliot, “Kaze no yoru no kyōshi,” trans., Ueda Tamotsu, Shin-ryōdo 22 (1939): 262–263; and T. S. Eliot, “Arechi,” trans., Ueda Tamotsu, Shin-ryōdo 26 (1939): 108–109.
(72.) Nakai, Kōya e, 144, 145.
(73.) Mure Keiko, Ayukawa Nobuo: Rojō no tamashi’i (Tokyo: Shichōsha, 1992), 325; T. S. Eliot, The Complete Poems and Plays (London: Faber & Faber, 1969), 61; Ayukawa Nobuo, Zen-shishū (Tokyo: Shichōsha, 1989), 513. The quotation from Ayukawa’s poem is translation by author.
(74.) Eliot, The Complete Poems and Plays, 61. Ayukawa, Zen-shishū, 513.
(75.) See Nakai, Kōya e, 147–148.
(76.) Nakai, Kōya e, 146. Translation by author.
(77.) Ayukawa, “Fu’an no Kao,” Arechi 2 (1939): 32–33, 36. Quoted in Nakai, Kōya e, 150, 151–152. Translation by author.
(78.) Nakai, Kōya e, 152.
(79.) Nakai, Kōya e, 153.
(80.) Nakai, Kōya e, 152.
(81.) Kitamura Tarō, “Kodoku e no izanai,” Junsui-shi 13 (1947). Quoted in Miyoshi, Nihon bungaku zenshi: Gendai, 309–310. Translation by author.
(82.) Ayukawa, “Gendai-shi towa nanika,” Ayukawa, Hyōron I (Tokyo, Shichōsha, 1995), 57. Quoted in Miyoshi, Nihon bungaku zenshi: Gendai, 310–311. Translation by author.
(83.) Kodama, American Poetry and Japanese Culture.
(84.) Ōhashi Kichinosuke, Andasun to sannin no nihonjin: Shōwa shonen no “Amerika bungaku” (Tokyo: Kenkyūsha, 1984).
(85.) Niki Katsuharu, “Ushinawareta sedai” to Shōwa shoki (Tokyo: Bunkashobō hakubunsha, 1991).
(86.) Doi Kōchi, et al., Nihon no eigaku, Taishō hen; and Doi Kōchi, et al., Nihon no eigaku, Shōwa hen.
(87.) Chiba Sen’ichi, Gendai bungaku no hikaku-bungaku-teki kenkyū: Modānizumu no shiteki dōtai (Tokyo: Yagi shoten, 1978); and Miyoshi, Nihon bungaku zenshi: Gendai.
(88.) Nakano Yoshikazu, Zen’ei-shi undōshi no kenkyū: Modanizumu-shi no keifu (Tokyo: Ōhara shinseisha, 1975); and Ō’oka Makoto, Shōwa-shi: Shōwa gendaishi-shi, gendai shijin ron (Tokyo: Shichōsha, 1980).
(89.) Modanizumu kenkyū-kai, ed., Modanizumu kenkyū (Tokyo: Shichōsha, 1994).
(90.) Akiko Miyake, Sanehide Kodama, and Nicholas Teele, eds., A Guide to Ezra Pound and Ernest Fenollosa’s Classic Noh Theater of Japan (Orono, ME: The National Poetry Foundation, 1994).
(91.) Sanehide Kodama, Ezra Pound & Japan: Letters & Essays.
(92.) Solt, Shredding the Tapestry of Meaning.
(93.) Elisabeth Däumer and Shyamal Bagchee, eds., The International Reception of T. S. Eliot (London: Continuum, 2007).
(94.) Takahashi Shin’ichi, “Nihon gendaishi undō ni okeru.
(95.) Nakai Akira, Kōya e: Ayukawa Nobuo to Shin-ryōdo.
(96.) Mure Keiko, Ayukawa Nobuo: Rojō no tamashi’i (Tokyo: Shichōsha, 1992).